State Rep. Dan Eubanks is a Mississippi Republican and one of the cosponsors of Mississippi’s Gestational Age Act, the bill that ended up leading to the end of Roe v. Wade and Casey v. Planned Parenthood with the recent Dobbs decision.
That act banned abortions after 15 weeks in what was essentially a shot fired off the bow of the current abortion regime as established by Roe and Casey.
As could have been predicted, it was challenged immediately by an abortion clinic after being passed in 2018 and thus led to a long, winding battle through the courts
Eubanks, speaking in an emotional interview outside the Supreme Court building following the release of the Dobbs opinion yesterday, spoke with seeming disbelief that the saga he and the other cosponsors started in 2018 eventually led to this momentous, wonderful decision, saying:
“This has been one of those things where you don’t know if it’s going to live or die because it suffers 1,000 deaths along the way, and the fact that it wound up here and the Supreme Court took it up was just like, you know, you’re on your knees praying that a favorable outcome would come out.
“And I just, I can’t put into words what I’m feeling right now, 64 million lives later. A whole lot of those I think wouldn’t have suffered the fate that they suffered had this been overturned sooner.”
“I was talking to some of my buddies here, and I was like, ‘Dude, you can’t tell me that this wasn’t, like, divinely orchestrated.
“I mean, to be here, probably the pinnacle of what will be my political career, I’m sure, and to be present for the decision. I’ve only been in D.C. a couple of times, and I mean, the chances that everything would line up perfectly.
“I don’t necessarily think that God did it just for me, but I just love the fact that he did it so that I could be here.”
And Eubanks has much to celebrate. Dobbs was a major win for the anti-abortion, religious right, with Justice Alito firmly establishing that there is no right to abortion, returning the issue to the states and wiping away the tortuous, illogical “reasoning” of Roe, saying:
We hold that Roe and Casey must be overruled. The Constitution makes no reference to abortion, and no such right is implicitly protected by any constitutional provision, including the one on which the defenders of Roe and Casey now chiefly rely—the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. That provision has been held to guarantee some rights that are not mentioned in the Constitution, but any such right must be “deeply rooted in this Nation’s history and tradition” and “implicit in the concept of ordered liberty.” Washington v. Glucksberg, 521 U. S. 702, 721 (1997) (internal quotation marks omitted).
The right to abortion does not fall within this category. Until the latter part of the 20th century, such a right was entirely unknown in American law. Indeed, when the Fourteenth Amendment was adopted, three quarters of the States made abortion a crime at all stages of pregnancy. The abortion right is also critically different from any other right that this Court has held to fall within the Fourteenth Amendment’s protection of “liberty.” Roe’s defenders characterize the abortion right as similar to the rights recognized in past decisions involving matters such as intimate sexual relations, contraception, and marriage, but abortion is fundamentally different, as both Roe and Casey acknowledged, because it destroys what those decisions called “fetal life” and what the law now before us describes as an “unborn human being.”
So now, with that ruling, red states like Mississippi can end the horrific massacre of infants that has occurred since Roe, at least within its borders.
This story syndicated with permission from Will, Author at Trending Politics
Notice: This article may contain commentary that reflects the author's opinion.
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