The rise of Ahmad al-Julani as the new de facto leader of Syria marks a significant and troubling shift in the nation’s landscape. Known for his extremist roots, al-Julani’s past with al-Qaeda raises questions about his motivations and implications for the Syrian people. In a statement, he claimed to be a defender against ISIS. However, Aram Hanna, a key figure in the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), pointed out, “Yes, he fought ISIS,” but added, “he was fighting to be the leader.” This distinction is crucial, as it reveals al-Julani’s true ambitions.
Al-Julani’s history is riddled with contradictions. He initially emerged from the ranks of al-Qaeda in Iraq under Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi. When the Syrian conflict began in 2011, he formed Jabhat al-Nusra, rapidly becoming one of Syria’s most powerful extremist factions. His refusal to merge with ISIS led to intense rivalry between the two groups, fracturing the global jihadist movement. Eventually, al-Julani distanced himself from the ISIS label, rebranding his group as Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS). Today, HTS controls significant portions of Syria, including the capital, presenting itself as a legitimate authority despite its roots in extremist ideology.
In contrast, the SDF represents a different vision for Syria. Formed in 2015 with U.S. support, the SDF is characterized by its multi-ethnic and multi-religious makeup. This alliance includes Kurdish, Arab, Assyrian, and Turkmen fighters, among others. Hanna’s own identity as an Armenian Syrian Christian serves as a testament to this diversity. He noted that the SDF includes separate units for various communities, allowing them to protect their identities while fighting for a collective cause.
The SDF’s governance framework stands in stark contrast to Julani’s regime. In the SDF-controlled areas, women are active participants in combat and leadership roles, reflecting an inclusive ideology. Official documents are available in several languages, honoring the mix of cultures in the region. Conversely, Julani’s government enforces a rigid interpretation of Islam that profoundly suppresses minority rights and restricts women’s freedoms.
Hanna articulated the vision of the SDF: a free and united Syria. “We want to live as free Syrians,” he asserted, emphasizing a desire for coexistence rather than separation. The SDF seeks to ensure that ethnic and cultural identities are preserved while promoting a collective Syrian identity. This perspective underlines fundamental contrasts between their approach and the agenda pursued by al-Julani.
Looking to the future, Hanna expressed skepticism about the sustainability of Julani’s rule. As he pointed out, “most Syrians, including Sunnis, Druze, Kurds, Christians, and Alawites, do not see him as a legitimate leader.” Even within Sunni communities in key regions, there is significant distrust toward his leadership, which raises questions about his support within the broader population. Hanna fears a return to chaos if al-Julani fails, illustrating the precarious balance in Syrian society.
Meanwhile, the SDF stands ready to protect its areas. The coalition of Kurds, Christians, and Arabs remains committed to their defense, hoping for a future where a fair government in Damascus can restore balance and rights for all. The dedication of these groups highlights a resilient spirit amid uncertainty, where their collective struggle embodies not just a fight for survival but a fight for a dignified existence in a complex, deeply fractured society.
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