On February 4, 2024, Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele won reelection by a remarkable 85% of the vote, underscoring the level of public support for his controversial measures to combat crime. His administration has pursued an aggressive security crackdown, marked by mass arrests and substantial changes in law enforcement practices, all under an extended state of emergency. Interestingly, acclaim for his approach has crossed borders, with some foreign commentators urging similar strategies be adopted in the United States.
Since March 2022, El Salvador has enacted one of the most severe anti-gang operations in the region. By declaring a “state of exception,” Bukele’s government suspended key legal protections. This suspension allowed law enforcement to detain individuals without warrants or immediate charges, resulting in over 75,000 arrests during the nearly two-year campaign. This has led to prison populations skyrocketing to over 104,000, well above the system’s intended capacity of around 30,000.
The results of these measures are evident. Homicide rates, once among the highest globally, have dramatically reduced. In 2015, El Salvador experienced a murder rate exceeding 100 per 100,000 residents. By 2023, this has dropped to approximately 2.3 per 100,000, based on government data. The sharp decline in extortion—which gangs frequently employed to maintain their power in neighborhoods and local businesses—has also contributed to a sense of improved public safety. These successes have fueled Bukele’s high approval ratings, which remain above 70%, despite mounting evidence of human rights abuses and concerns regarding the erosion of democratic practices.
Bukele’s governance has thrived on his firm political control. His party, Nuevas Ideas, enjoys a supermajority in the legislative assembly. In May 2021, lawmakers removed all judges from the Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court and replaced them with proponents of Bukele. This reshuffling has enabled the administration to reinterpret laws, allowing for Bukele’s reelection despite existing constitutional prohibitions against consecutive presidential terms. Additional legislative changes also led to a July 2025 amendment that permits indefinite reelection and lengthens presidential terms from five to six years.
These maneuvers have drawn substantial criticism. Legal experts argue that the removal of judges transgressed established constitutional protocols, and entities like the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights have issued warnings. “This reform,” remarked legal analyst Daniel Olmedo, “severely disrupts El Salvador’s constitutional order and breaches its international obligations.”
The government justifies its sweeping changes as crucial for restoring order in a nation plagued by decades of gang-related violence. “The people demanded action,” Bukele declared during a televised address, claiming, “We have delivered peace for the first time in a generation.” However, questions remain about the price of this peace. Human rights organizations, including Human Rights Watch, have reported numerous arbitrary arrests, forced disappearances, and at least 189 recorded deaths within the prison system. Many detainees faced arrest based on minimal evidence, such as tattoos or residing in low-income areas. Legal reforms have also allowed for mass trials of as many as 900 individuals simultaneously, often carried out in a remote manner, leaving public defenders overwhelmed and families in distress.
The impact of the crackdown has proven uneven, targeting vulnerable groups disproportionately—children, women, Indigenous peoples, and impoverished communities alike. More than 1,600 children have been detained, some as young as 12, following amendments that lowered the age for criminal responsibility. The process of distinguishing guilt from innocence among the vast number of defendants raises alarms regarding potential long-term injustices.
Under Bukele’s watch, journalists and dissenting voices are increasingly silenced. The investigative outlet El Faro has unveiled evidence suggesting covert negotiations between the government and gang leaders, ostensibly to maintain order during election periods. In retaliation, the administration has dismissed these claims as “fake news,” while journalists endure surveillance and face legal intimidation. Reports indicate that several media organizations have felt compelled to relocate their personnel to safer environments, such as Costa Rica.
Internationally, reactions to Bukele’s measures have varied. While NGOs and UN bodies have voiced alarm, certain governments have softened their critiques. The United States, which initially condemned the court changes in 2021, has taken a more lenient stance lately, with financial and security cooperation staying largely unaffected.
On the economic front, the situation presents a stark contrast. Bukele pushed forward with the introduction of Bitcoin as legal tender in 2021, promoting it as a strategy for modernization and financial integration. Yet, skepticism abounds among citizens, with the adoption of the government-backed Chivo Wallet limited and Bitcoin bonds failing to perform as expected. Moody’s Ratings subsequently downgraded El Salvador’s credit rating to Caa3, highlighting increased investment risks and insufficient fiscal transparency.
The administration has tried to balance its financial needs through austerity measures and foreign investment, notably from China, which funds public projects as part of the Belt and Road Initiative. Meanwhile, budget restrictions have strained public services, and labor disputes, especially in healthcare and education, have faced severe crackdowns. Despite this, El Salvador’s GDP has seen modest growth, primarily driven by remittances rather than robust domestic production.
Bukele positions his strategy as a viable alternative to both leftist and traditional conservative governance, ending an era of two-party rule that produced inconsistent policies. His methodology combines aggressive military actions, social handouts, state-run digital innovations, and unconstitutional reforms, all fortified by strict media control and electoral dominance. This approach has achieved remarkable short-term results in public safety.
For many observers, particularly those concerned by escalating violence in Latin America and within U.S. cities, Bukele’s model is compelling. Transforming El Salvador from a hotspot of violence to a relatively safer nation throws open the debate on whether such hardline policies could be similarly effective elsewhere. The assertion that “the United States needs to adopt this strategy” echoes the sentiments of those eager to replicate Bukele’s success.
However, experts caution that this model poses significant threats to democratic institutions. A UN legal expert remarked, “Without independent courts or free media, there’s no mechanism to correct abuses,” highlighting anxieties over indefinite detentions and diminished civil liberties. The Inter-American Court of Human Rights has previously stated that such indefinite reelections are incompatible with democratic standards.
Regardless of the critics, Bukele’s hold on power in El Salvador appears firm—at least for now. His methods, controversial and combative, have yielded short-term gains in public safety. The real test remains whether this framework will foster a sustainable future or instigate deeper societal unrest.
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